This essay describes two forms of institutional redress for historic wrongs in contemporary China, arguing that one is authoritarian, the other liberal, and that neither is entirely satisfactory. Some victims of political persecution reject the right of the state to classify citizens as enemies, and with it the authoritarian method of corrective official reappraisal. Liberal avenues of redress through adjudication, on the other hand, remain closed to most victims of historic injustice, and are meaningful only if accompanied by the liberation of memory and opinion
David Kelly, researcher at the University of Technology Sydney, translated the following opinion pie...
In mid-1975, Deng Xiaoping, with Mao’s blessing, initiated reforms that targeted the negative conseq...
As we prepare to mark the 30th anniversary of one turning point in the history of Chinese dissent (t...
In 2019, China commemorated several anniversaries of politically significant events in its recent hi...
This paper argues that acknowledging individual victims had been a crucial problem in writing the hi...
This paper suggests how control over transmission of memory by the Party, applying China’s own dynas...
Earlier in 2009, the Chinese Encyclopaedia Press (Zhongguo dabaike quanshu chubanshe) published a co...
Since the Communist Party of China published its brief official version of the Cultural Revolution i...
See also: • « Yu xin zhengquan jiemeng de zhishifenzi: Zhonghua renmin gongheguo chuqi de ji ge ceyi...
One year ago today, I posted an essay entitled “What Shall We Do with the Dead Dictator?”, which dis...
In places like contemporary China, where legal adjudication for past wrongdoings is impossible, an a...
When Yan Lianke published his novel The Joy of Living (Shou huo) in 2004, in which a gang of disable...
The recent explosion of popular protest in China, often framed as a demand for the fulfillment of “r...
The spring 1989 democracy movement and the massacre of June 4th were a serious challenge to the legi...
This essay takes as its starting point the precipitous fall of Bo Xilai in March 2012 and discusses ...
David Kelly, researcher at the University of Technology Sydney, translated the following opinion pie...
In mid-1975, Deng Xiaoping, with Mao’s blessing, initiated reforms that targeted the negative conseq...
As we prepare to mark the 30th anniversary of one turning point in the history of Chinese dissent (t...
In 2019, China commemorated several anniversaries of politically significant events in its recent hi...
This paper argues that acknowledging individual victims had been a crucial problem in writing the hi...
This paper suggests how control over transmission of memory by the Party, applying China’s own dynas...
Earlier in 2009, the Chinese Encyclopaedia Press (Zhongguo dabaike quanshu chubanshe) published a co...
Since the Communist Party of China published its brief official version of the Cultural Revolution i...
See also: • « Yu xin zhengquan jiemeng de zhishifenzi: Zhonghua renmin gongheguo chuqi de ji ge ceyi...
One year ago today, I posted an essay entitled “What Shall We Do with the Dead Dictator?”, which dis...
In places like contemporary China, where legal adjudication for past wrongdoings is impossible, an a...
When Yan Lianke published his novel The Joy of Living (Shou huo) in 2004, in which a gang of disable...
The recent explosion of popular protest in China, often framed as a demand for the fulfillment of “r...
The spring 1989 democracy movement and the massacre of June 4th were a serious challenge to the legi...
This essay takes as its starting point the precipitous fall of Bo Xilai in March 2012 and discusses ...
David Kelly, researcher at the University of Technology Sydney, translated the following opinion pie...
In mid-1975, Deng Xiaoping, with Mao’s blessing, initiated reforms that targeted the negative conseq...
As we prepare to mark the 30th anniversary of one turning point in the history of Chinese dissent (t...